This is the second article in a two part series. The first part was published on May 15.

We the Poisoned—opportunism out of the gate

We the Poisoned: Exposing the Flint Water Crisis Cover-Up and the Poisoning of 100,000 Americans was published in August 2024 by former Young Turks Network reporter Jordan Chariton. His book scatters facts, timeframes, personal anecdotes and provincialism to present a story that puts himself right at the center. In actuality, Chariton didn’t begin reporting on Flint until mid-2016—some eight months after the city had been returned to Lake Huron water. By then, the water crisis had been well documented locally, nationally and in international news.

Chariton disingenuously describes his reason for deciding to make the city the center of his activity as his response to an appeal from “Melanie,” a pseudonym he uses for his own reasons, to go to Flint and work as an “actual journalist.” Chariton was working for the Young Turks Network (TYT) at the time and reporting on the People’s Summit in Chicago. He writes, describing Melanie’s appeal: “‘It’s still a disaster and the media has left,’ she said about Flint… ‘We need an actual journalist to come and get the truth out,’ she insisted.”

Chariton adds, “Journalists weren’t digging into what was really going on … Newspapers and TV news stations were basically regurgitating the Snyder administration’s official line that things were improving in Flint.” ^[1]

The premise of We the Poisoned is that even today, almost a decade after the return to their original treated water source, Flint is still being poisoned by its water. This dishonest characterization is the product of a demoralized political outlook shared by Chariton’s middle class radical milieu.

It goes without saying that the population of Flint has not been made whole and in many ways social conditions are worse than before the 2014 switch to untreated Flint River water, as they are more generally for American workers over the past decade. But the city has been on its original treated water source for almost 10 years, and actual water-related suffering is markedly down. But the community is being preyed upon by a coterie of opportunist fakers publishing false information about dangers lurking in their water. 

This is a complex story, but it is not told in We the Poisoned and will not be told by Chariton. This is why his first-person narrative fails to mention his own role in undermining popular trust of the honest and qualified water scientists who were involved in the efforts to return safe water to the city.

Tellingly, no account of Edwards or Virginia Tech can be found anywhere in We the Poisoned. Was he not worth mentioning? Anyone familiar with the activities of Chariton in 2016-2018 will be aware that Edwards’ recovery efforts in Flint were the prime target of his supposed journalism.

While the title claims he is “exposing the Flint water crisis cover-up and the poisoning of 100,000 Americans,” Chariton has taken it upon himself to re-write its history.

Chariton’s omissions are not innocent or honest, nor are they an oversight. They reflect his anarchist attitude toward science.

Claiming that the victims of Flint were being deceived by VT and Edwards, Chariton joined with a team of pseudo-scientists who worked to discredit the established science of water management and malign those who practice it.

Chariton and “Water Defense”

Chariton chooses not to draw attention to his own way of “digging into what was really going on” in Flint as a TYT reporter, but it would be a public disservice to discuss We the Poisoned without correcting that omission.

Soon after beginning his activities in Flint, he hooked himself up with an entity called “Water Defense,” associated with film actor Mark Ruffalo, which began its activities in Flint in early 2016. Its “Chief Scientist” Scott Smith started testing water in the homes and basements of whichever residents would allow them. (It should be noted that there is not a single mention of Water Defense, Mark Ruffalo or Scott Smith in We the Poisoned.)

Smith collected samples in bathtubs and showers with a bizarre sponge-tentacled device he called the “waterbug.” Residents were then issued thick printed reports from independent labs showing scores of chemicals, mostly toxic, like chloroform and trihalomethane, that were supposedly found in their home water. Those voluminous ledgers convinced many in Flint that the actual water scientists weren’t telling them the truth.

What is truly tragic about the Flint story is that a significant portion of the Flint population was misled by the anti-science agenda of Chariton and his ilk. Chariton is not a water expert and knows next to nothing about the scientifically established challenges of restoring a damaged system to viability. His ignorance, however, did not prevent him from charging into Flint and claiming that scientific expertise was unnecessary, while spreading unfounded rumors of the supposed dangers lurking in the water.

Alarmism by fake scientists

Edwards became concerned about the alarmist character of Water Defense, and in May 2017 began to report critically on the dangers of their activities in the blog set up by the engineering team from VT at flintwaterstudy.org, writing:

A month after the recovery was underway, actor Mark Ruffalo’s “nonprofit” …  came to Flint, and immediately began to “discover” dangerous levels of contaminants that no one else could confirm.

Ruffalo expressed a cavalier attitude when questioned on the validity of the testing results of Water Defense. He answered,

It’s not whether or not my organization is scientists, because we admit it. We’re citizen scientists, you know. And so all we’re doing is giving people information, and there’s nothing wrong with that. And the more information people have the better off they are.^[2]

Despite their chief scientist Smith’s later acknowledging the correctness of Flint Water Study’s criticisms and making a public apology for his unethical and destructive activities in Flint, a condition prevailed in Flint which Edwards aptly described as “science anarchy.”

Under The Young Turks moniker, Chariton posted many videos of his water sampling techniques. Most have since been taken down after the exposure by Edwards of the unscientific and unethical practices of Water Defense, but excerpts can be seen on the Flint Water Study blog.^[3]

In June and July 2017, Chariton sent threatening emails to Edwards and members of the VT team, demanding that the videos be taken down and criticisms of Water Defense be retracted, or face “a public dispute with the largest online news channel in the world.”^[4]

As a reporter for The Young Turks, Chariton actively worked to discredit Edwards, using video posts to make charges against him, including through misleading amalgams and misrepresentations. He referred to Edwards as an “EPA scientist” and as a “hack.”^[5] In late 2017, Chariton was publicly fired from The Young Turks as a result of his unethical relations with employees,^[6] unrelated to his unethical activities with Water Defense, but he continued his vendetta against Edwards using his own channels. 

The “overlap” of pseudo-scientists

It should be noted that Dr. Edwards, along with the VT team, was the only scientific body that brought the unethical practices of Chariton and Water Defense to the attention of the public. The WSU (Wayne State University) body FACHEP never criticized Water Defense or any other entity carrying out false science in Flint. Additionally, in his book, FACHEP member Ben Pauli criticized Flint Water Study for attacking Smith with “Edwards’s unhelpful barrage of ad hominem insults.”^[7]

Pauli stated, “This perceived overlap of FACHEP’s work with Smith’s created at least some possibility of winning over the activists allied with him.” In other words, FACHEP was fearful of losing the support of the activists and pandered to the backward approach of some of them toward scientific investigation. His cowardly attitude towards the work of Edwards’ team is expressed in this passage:

Where power is effectively unchecked, the disposition of the individual exercising it becomes the key factor in determining whether it is abused. In this connection, activists regularly remarked on what they saw as Edwards’s imperiousness: his tendency to appoint himself to crusading roles, to speak with airs of authority about areas outside his expertise, and to disparage the contributions of other researchers who did not align themselves strictly with his perspective. Of Edwards’s campaign against “bad actors,” [a water activist] joked that she wanted to see the notes from the meeting at which he was delegated that role. Of his attacks on other scientists with differences of opinion about the condition of Flint’s water, [another activist] asked, rhetorically, “Who died and made him king of all scientific data?” The community, she said, did not need him to be the “arbiter of sound science.”^[8]

Chariton shows even more intellectual cowardice by excising Edwards completely from We the Poisoned. But in erasing Edwards and expunging his own vile efforts to discredit the recovery work of VT and others, his narrative becomes a confused jumble of personal anecdotes. His muddled portrayal of events in effect depicts a permanent Flint water crisis.

The question is posed: was it not possible for any improvement to be made in Flint’s water? Will there ever be an improvement? As a pathetic and delusional justification of his role in Flint, Chariton proclaims, “That is what makes the job of a true journalist so vital. It is our job to remind you—to impart the urgency—when a crisis still is a crisis. When a crisis never stopped being one.” [Emphasis added.]

It is beyond the scope of this article to answer each and every misrepresentation made in We the Poisoned, but Chapter 22, “Flushing Flint” merits mention. Claiming that in May 2018 MDEQ officials were falsifying lead testing in Flint homes, Chariton writes:

Essentially, MDEQ used unwitting city volunteers as their middlemen to rig the lead data throughout Flint. Environmental officials knew they were giving improper testing instructions to the volunteers and telling them to direct residents to test the wrong way. The results: Voilà! Low lead levels throughout Flint.

It took a lot to surprise me when it came to the state of Michigan government or the Snyder administration. By now, I had reported in Flint over a dozen times and had uncovered endless layers of corruption endemic in the state and city.

But this was a whole different level. This wasn’t Snyder’s administration, in the early years of the crisis, manipulating Flint’s water testing to prevent the world from learning the city’s water was toxic. This was the administration, years after the crisis had blown up internationally, brazenly falsifying the data . . . knowing they were further harming innocent residents.^[9] [Emphasis in original]

Chariton expects his readers to take a few personal anecdotes as proof that the state’s sampling in 2018 was faked. Edwards told the WSWS, however:

Even if you think MDEQ and the city were cheating, there were three completely independent efforts used to track progress. EPA set up their own sampling in sentinel homes. I think they even went in and did that sampling themselves. [EPA field expert] Miguel [Del Toral] was part of a team that went in and resampled homes using very rigorous protocols. Then there was the VT repeated sampling, then the sampling supervised by [Dr. Susan] Masten [of Michigan State University] funded by NRDC [National Resource Defense Council, an independent environmental group]. All three of the independent samplings showed results that agreed with the State of MI.

In response to the claim that “the water was getting worse every day,” Edwards added:

On top of that it is just absurd that 1) switching water sources, 2) implementing amongst the most aggressive phosphate dosing for corrosion control in US history, and 3) spending money on pipe replacements would not cause an improvement.

Flint prosecutions

One of the most enraging aspects of the Flint water crisis is that after more than 10 years, none of the perpetrators of the crime against the population of Flint have ever been brought to justice, and legally never will be. At the highest level was Governor Rick Snyder, who also oversaw the Detroit bankruptcy looting operation, which the WSWS characterized as “essentially a political-financial conspiracy to raid the city. This raid involves a plot to loot billions of dollars of workers’ life earnings, together with the plundering of a historic museum and other public assets.”^[10]

State Treasurer Andy Dillon, a Democrat who approved the extralegal scheme which put the city of Flint into millions of dollars in debt to finance the building of the alternative pipeline, called the KWA (Karegnondi Water Authority), was Snyder’s fellow conspirator. Though the operation was of a piece with Snyder’s policy of looting public assets, he insulated himself with “plausible deniability,” claiming no knowledge of either the problem with Flint’s water or the outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease that occurred during the time river water was being used as the water source.

There was plenty of public information brought to light, however, about the malfeasance of lower-level operatives. Much of that information came from the efforts of Marc Edwards, who submitted FOIA (Freedom of Information Act) requests for MDEQ officials’ emails and published them on his blog.

The legal proceedings began in 2016, when Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette announced charges being brought against three low-level officials^[11] over the Flint water crisis. By June 2017, a total of 15 officials were charged with criminal offenses. Many residents were disappointed and angry that Snyder was not among those charged, but Schuette promised that the investigation will follow the evidence wherever it takes them, and that no one is above the law, stating:

The families of Flint will not be forgotten. We will provide the justice they deserve. And in Michigan, the system is not rigged. There is one system of justice. It applies to everybody. Equally. No matter who you are. Period.^[12]

Chariton’s reporting on the prosecutions could possibly have been of objective value but for his haphazard way of recounting them. He seems to have managed to get some surreptitious comments from some of the officials on the inside, for example, an analyst for the Michigan Department of Technology, Management and Budget, Georgia Shuler, who was part of the team assigned to sift through FOIA requests and decide which documents would comply. According to Chariton’s sources, she was asked to “redact things that shouldn’t be redacted or to withhold things that shouldn’t be withheld.”^[13]

The investigation sabotaged

Strong cases could have been made against the five MDEQ officials for their roles in violating federal drinking water regulations and falsifying reports both before and after the switch to Flint River water, based on information made public through emails released from earlier FOIA requests.

High-level officials in Michigan’s Office of Drinking Water—Mike Prysby, Patrick Cook, Liane Shekter-Smith and Stephen Busch—made the decision to switch to Flint River water through the Flint Water Plant without using corrosion control treatment. Further, when confronted by two Flint mothers who said that they knew no corrosion control was in place, Shekter-Smith boasted that Del Toral, who had written an internal memo to the EPA to that effect, had been “handled.”^[14]

The promise Schuette made when announcing the investigation was that they would go where the evidence took them. Clearly, the MDEQ was under orders from higher up. This would have been the logical focus of the prosecution to uncover the conspiracy against Flint. The hearings went in a different direction, however.  

McElmurry and FACHEP played a key role in diverting the attentions of prosecutor Todd Flood away from those who were charged with crimes that directly caused the water crisis in Flint to officials in the MDHHS, Director Nick Lyon and Chief Medical Executive Eden Wells, who were charged with failure to notify the public of the danger of Legionnaires’ Disease that was caused by the use of untreated Flint River water. If there were indeed crimes committed by the MDHHS officials, they would have been far lesser and ancillary to those of the officials who used their authority to force the water switch upon Flint.

Possibly because Flood thought he had a witness who was willing and able to put MDHHS away, in the person of Shawn McElmurry, the focus of the prosecution was turned to the Health Department officials.

At minimum, an unbiased observer would have to wonder about this shift in the strategy. The answer has to do with the corrupt interests of McElmurry and FACHEP. After issuing its uncorroborated press release on the danger of Legionella accumulating in the POU filters, the FACHEP team had a telephone conversation with MDHHS at the request of Wells. It is on the basis of this conversation that McElmurry influenced the prosecutor to lay obstruction of justice charges for “threatening to withhold funding for the Flint Area Community Health and Environment Partnership if the partnership did not cease its investigation into the source of the Legionnaires’ Disease outbreak in Genesee County, Michigan.”^[15]

Attempted frame-up of Dr. Eden Wells

As the state’s chief medical officer, Wells had the responsibility of overseeing the work of McElmurry’s team. FACHEP, however, played an insidious role, refusing to collaborate with the MDHHS before issuing its ill-informed public announcements. The first press release of FACHEP was issued on October 16, 2016, asserting that in their sampling, 20 percent of Flint homes had lower than recommended levels of chlorine in their water. The implication of this “revelation” is that there would be a danger of bacteria in the water, particularly legionella. After this alarming announcement was made public, Wells insisted on a conference call with the FACHEP team.

The conference call used as evidence for the obstruction charge was in no way what it was claimed to be. For the benefit of the reader, a couple of extracts and a link to the entire audio recording of the call are here presented.^[16] The subject of this telephone call was an attempt by MDHHS to take whatever steps or issue whatever protocols would be necessary for providing the public with ways of dealing with the danger of legionella in the home water as warned against in FACHEP’s press conference days earlier.

During the 50-or-so minute phone call, Wells made a very reasonable request, stating:

we will continue to advocate for your role as an independent, as independent as can be, but remember we’re funding you, and our IRB is with you, but we want you to be as independent, we want you to find anything with the system that had anything to do with the Legionella outbreaks would be great, but to please understand our passion and some of our knowledge when it comes to trying to do these studies in the public sector.^[17]

During the court hearing, FACHEP member Dr. Marcus Zervos claimed, even after the transcript of the conversation was admitted into evidence, that this mention of funding, “can only be interpreted as a threat, and a clear attempt to influence our independent work and scientific integrity.”

In Flint Fights Back, FACHEP member Pauli justifies McElmurry’s scurrilous attempt to frame Michigan’s medical officer of a felony and vilifies Marc Edwards for testifying in her defense.^[18]

Chariton’s muckraking

Chariton’s method of reporting on the legal proceedings against the Flint water crisis defendants in We the Poisoned is much the same. 

Chariton’s premise—which is expressed in his book’s subtitle, “Exposing the Flint Water Crisis Cover-Up and the Poisoning of 100,000 Americans”—is that political crimes are carried out as behind-the-scenes plots. Of course, the shredding of documents, deleting of files and scrubbing of devices are usual in American political and corporate life, but the sabotaging of the Flint criminal prosecutions was carried out largely before the eyes of the public.

This perversion of justice was the responsibility not just of the lame duck Republican administration of Michigan, but was carried out even more blatantly by the incoming Democratic regime, when incoming Attorney General Dana Nessel fired prosecutor Todd Flood and oversaw the dropping of all the charges against the 15 defendants.^[19]

The justifiable anger of ordinary citizens over the conspiracy against Flint residents is utilized—pandered to—in order to pass off sloppy journalism as a modern-day Upton Sinclair. Chariton “exposes” the seamy underbelly of politics using what amounts to hearsay. He copiously employs phrases such as “a source familiar with the criminal investigation” to compensate for his lack of systematic reporting on the prosecutions.

After his 300-odd pages of “exposing” nothing of substance in the Flint water crisis, Chariton’s conclusion in We the Poisoned is pathetic. He wraps up his narrative with this note: “Sadly, Americans had long moved on from the people of Flint, fooled by politicians and the media into thinking the crisis was over.”^[20]

Mascarenhas presents Flint water crisis as a racial genocide

Toxic Water, Toxic System: Environmental Racism and Michigan’s Water War by Michael Mascarenhas was also published in 2024. In the book, Mascarenhas maintains that structural racism is the cause of the Flint water crisis, which rises to the level of genocide. It is a politically vile work, written to prove that white supremacist racism was the cause of the Flint water crisis.

Mascarenhas opens Toxic Water, Toxic System by acknowledging the Michigan Civil Rights Commission’s report that “structural racism” was the real cause of the Flint water crisis.^[21] From there he elaborates:

One of my aims in writing this book was to offer readers a holistic framework that spans far beyond the realm of water to include white supremacist attacks on the public infrastructure of these predominantly Black cities, including housing, education, collective bargaining, and Black political power more broadly.^[22]

Throughout the course of reading his book, which is a painful undertaking, Mascarenhas paints the entirety of American history from the standpoint of critiquing “elite white male interests and their egotistical worldviews.” In his penultimate chapter he doubles down on this reactionary premise, writing:

This framing of environmental justice suggests that we must stretch our analysis to include austerity and other forms of racialized capitalism alongside settler colonialism and genocide. Failing to do so ignores a past, to paraphrase Raphaël Lemkin [the Jewish lawyer who coined the term “genocide”], aimed at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of African Americans and other people of color—destruction that can end only in their annihilation. Not calling it genocide is perhaps the definitive privilege of white supremacy, as the modern world system of racial capitalism has always depended on slavery, violence, imperialism, and genocide.^[23]

One could be forgiven for thinking that the racialist characterization of the Flint water crisis would have nothing to do with undermining the authority of science, but the toxicity of Mascarenhas’ worldview proves otherwise. In fact, much of Toxic Water, Toxic System’s concluding chapter is devoted to attacking Dr. Edwards.

In the preface, he describes his involvement with FACHEP’s Benjamin Pauli in an attack on Marc Edwards:

In 2019, at the annual meeting of the Society for the Social Studies of Science, I copresented a paper with Ben Pauli, Flint resident, scholar, and author of the book Flint Fights Back. In the presentation, titled “But Is It ‘Safe’?: Water Quality Regulations, Citizen Science, and Power in the Flint Water Crisis,” we brought some local perspective to the controversy surrounding citizen science performed during the Flint Water Crisis. At the time, there was much debate about the behavior and actions of a credentialed scientist [Edwards] involved in the citizen science efforts in Flint. On May 10, 2018, residents of Flint wrote to the scientific and engineering community requesting an investigation. The letter was signed by sixty residents and more than thirty nonresident supporters. Not a single scientific organization or engineering association took up the residents’ request.^[24]

Dubious Flint complaints

Mascarenhas worked with Pauli in the dissemination of two unsigned documents purporting to be letters from Flint residents complaining about Edwards. They were motivated as an answer to his challenge to the credentials that McElmurry falsely put forward to the state of Michigan as qualifications for his multi-million dollar sole-source contract to research Flint water. Edwards also challenged FACHEP’s publicly announced findings about the dangers of Legionella in Flint water and the POU filters recommended by the EPA.

Dated May 10, 2018, an unsigned public complaint was posted at flintcomplaints.com. Addressed “to the Scientific and Engineering Communities,” it was framed as a request for information as to “where we can file a formal complaint against the behavior, since January 2016, of Professor Marc Edwards of Virginia Tech.”

This premise was itself fraudulent. In an internal email published in the Detroit News, Pauli refers to his relationship to the letters: “It might look like I’m the spokesman for the letter, which is something we absolutely must avoid if we want this thing to have its intended impact.”^[25]

The intended impact was to blackguard Edwards and the ethical science he represented. Essentially, it was an incitement for mob rule directed against any challenge to the unethical and dishonest behavior of the fake science of FACHEP. A reference to the “Unsubstantiated defamation of Flint residents” refers to a health message on the spread of Shigellosis requiring conscientious hand washing. The inflammatory language denouncing “Mr. Edwards’ portrayal of Flint residents as dumb, dirty and vulnerable to being misled…” is not aimed at the “scientific community” but at inflaming Flint residents.

The campaign of letters—there were two of them—was directly connected to FACHEP. As an organization that was ostensibly a scientific body, such activities go beyond unethical. It is no wonder that Pauli wanted his authorship to be unknown.

FACHEP’s “FRONTLINE” Legionnaires’ coup

The “activist narrative” advanced relentlessly by FACHEP got a major boost with the broadcast of the “FRONTLINE” episode titled, “Flint’s Deadly Water” on the PBS (Public Broadcasting System) television network.^[26] The primetime program was aired nationwide on September 9, 2019.

The timeframe of the story told in this hour-long episode is tailored to FACHEP’s needs. The Legionnaires’ outbreak was first announced by Governor Snyder in January 2016, shortly after the return to the Detroit water source. It was a shocking revelation, despite the figures of infections and deaths being significantly underestimated, but by that time, since Flint had been taken off the corrosive river water and returned to its treated water source, the outbreak was effectively over.

It must be borne in mind that this FRONTLINE episode aired almost four years after the peak of the Legionnaire’s outbreak in October 2015, the same month Flint’s original treated water source was restored.

The initial point of the program is that while most people know of the lead crisis in Flint, few know of the Legionnaires’ crisis. This, of course, is striking, but the narrative presents it as an ongoing crisis. McElmurry, Paul Kilgore, and Marcus Zervos of FACHEP, feature prominently. They describe being blocked by MDHHS from investigating into the real extent of the outbreak.

The conflation of timeframes by FRONTLINE abets FACHEP’s presentation of themselves as the heroic fighters for the people of Flint. Kilgore asserts that in the summer of 2014 there was enough medical data to know there should have been an investigation. Of course, we know there was a conspiracy in Michigan government to prevent the public from questioning the quality of Flint River water. But by the time FACHEP came into existence, the state lies were exposed by scientific investigations and the governor was forced to return Flint to treated water.

FRONTLINE fabricates a story of noble scientists battering against the entrenched bureaucracy that did not want them to uncover anything about the source of the outbreak. Again, this was almost four years after the fact. Despite the one-sided melodrama from FACHEP members, the dispute with the MDHHS in 2016 had little to do with public health and much more to do with them acquiring another $10 million from the state.

Especially considering the resources PBS marshaled in preparing this episode, the outcome was a shoddy piece of television journalism. Dr. Marc Edwards told the WSWS: “I was supposed to fact check the Frontline piece, but they reneged. I think they already had their conclusion, and did not want facts to interfere.”

The record of the World Socialist Web Site

The authors of all three of the books referenced here write vaguely anti-capitalist drivel, yet none of them even try to address or explore an alternative to capitalism. In the more than 1,000 combined pages of the books, the word “socialism” does not appear, except once by Mascarenhas in describing a right-wing epithet against Obama. The word “capitalism” isn’t referenced without modifiers, mostly “racial capitalism.”

In April 2016, on the two-year anniversary of the beginning of the crisis, the World Socialist Web Site explained that the poisoning of Flint’s water was a class crime carried out by the representatives of the corporate elite against the working class:

An examination of the background to the Flint crisis and how it unfolded reveals in the starkest form the subordination of the public good to the pursuit of private gain and the domination of the government at all levels by corporate interests. The Flint disaster is a crime of capitalism.^[27]

The WSWS made the case that to fight back, Flint residents must reject “the false presentation of the crisis” as a racial issue and base themselves on “the fundamental class issues that underlie the poisoning of an overwhelmingly working class, multi-racial population that has been devastated by decades of plant closures, layoffs and budget cuts.” We wrote:

It is to their fellow workers throughout the US and internationally that Flint residents should turn to mount a counteroffensive. It must be based on the understanding that even the most basic human needs, such as clean water, have become political and revolutionary questions. It is a matter of building an independent socialist movement of the working class, fighting to break the grip of the financial elite over economic and social life, and turning the banks, corporations and utilities into publicly owned and democratically controlled institutions.^[28]

This is the perspective of scientific socialism, which is based on the principles of Marxism, elaborated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

Concluded.